Abstract

The study's goal is to investigate the coverage of Donald Trump's anti-Islam narrative in the United States press. The events of September 11, 2001, in New York City, and in San Bernardino, California, among others, impacted the socio-cultural, socio-economic, socio-political, and foreign policies of many countries throughout the world. The current research is essentially a content analysis of two editorials from two different newspapers in the United States (The New York Times and The Washington Post). The editorial contents were divided into four categories: A (US government relations with Muslim countries), B (coverage of Islam/Muslims in the war on terrorism), C (Donald Trump's stance on US-Muslim Countries bilateral relations), and D (US government's stance on US-Muslim Countries bilateral relations). To assess the association between different variables, the Chi-square statistical test was performed. The findings show that following the 2016 presidential elections in the United States, editorial coverage of Trump's anti-Islam narrative was less favorable than previously.

Key Words

Islam, Islam Phobia, 9/11, US Press, Trump’s Narrative about Islam

Introduction

Trump's definite anti-Muslim sentiment is especially notable in light of prior Republican presidents' radically diverse approaches. "Islam provides hope and comfort to millions of people in my country," President George W. Bush said, adding that "we appreciate people of all faiths and embrace the free practise of religion." Following the 9/11 attacks, many people criticized Islam as a whole for teaching destruction and bloodshed, ignoring the fact that the hijackers (terrorists) were extreme fundamentalists. Armstrong notes in the New York Times editorial "The True, Peaceful Face of Islam" that the term Islam is linked toward desire for harmony. While the Prophet Muhammad gave the Quran, a revealed book, to the Arabs in the early seventh century A.D., a major element of his goal was to put a stop to the sort of heap killing we saw in the Middle East (Armstrong, 2001).

Religious extremists of any religion are those who carry the concept of conflict and identity to their logical conclusion (radicalism) without even considering the possibility of a quiet solution (such as Islam affirms). Since Armstrong points out, viewing Osama bin Laden as a true representation of Islam is a dangerous statement (Armstrong, 2011). Understanding that many Americans consider Osama Bin Laden (the 9/11 mastermind) like a symbol of Islam is concerning, as it is the type of attitude that guides to intolerance, inequity, and demonization of millions of Muslims who do not desire to harm anyone.

"Trump might prosecute to a woman is a Middle Eastern stalker." She's a Middle Eastern terrorist who terrorizes people like me, and she'll very certainly be deported." The target of this racist outburst is a U.S. citizen who was born in Iran. On November 10, 2016, this happened. How can a lady who has lived in the United States for at least ten years be subjected to discrimination as soon as she becomes a citizen? When she went to tell NBC Bay Area news about the incident, she was shaking from a form of discrimination she had never encountered before (Ahmed, 2009).

The United States has witnessed its first two significant marital revolutionary incidents after 9/11 in less than seven months. Simultaneously, in 2017 presidential election campaign was quite well started, with Donald Trump as the Republican Party's nominee. TV and its associated multimedia accounts have turned into the primary source of news for the typical American citizen, thanks to significant developments in technology and equipment. During this time, the rate of Islamophobia in the United States has risen to levels not seen since 9/11. The media and political responses to the terrorist attacks are the topics of this research. I'll be investigating how the current media and political scene in the United States contribute to the spread of Islamophobic ideologies. To adequately answer the question, I examine the media and political power on the general public's perceptions of violence and Islam in the United States. I contend that the media's limited coverage of terrorism portrays it as the greatest threat to Americans. This, combined with Trump's anti-Muslim expression, justifies an increase in Islamophobia in the United States. These societal linkages among the media's portrayal of terrorism and Trump's politics serve to reinforce and confirm the terror and anger that terrorist attacks generate (Akram, 2002).

The focus was on Islamophobia. Islam was a

last-minute addition. Unfortunately, given our current climate, this reflects a problem that can be found in a variety of places. Islamophobia, often known as "anti-Muslim hatred," is a long-standing system of prejudice established rule and strategy against those who practice the Islamic faith, i.e., Muslims. "Target people or property affiliated or perceived to be associated with Muslims," In this study, I'll focus on trends in liberal spaces, which are areas where advocates are often Democratic Party members who support public spending on programs like learning, fitness care, and monetary variation. These people are proponents of social justice who are working to combat various forms of prejudice against minorities in the United States (Ghilan, 2015).

Numerous concerns wreak devastation on Muslim communities and stymie efforts to combat systemic racism. Hate crimes against those who are thought to be Muslim are on the rise. Another research found that President Donald J. Trump's "tweets on Islam-related topics are highly correlated with anti-Muslim hate crime after, but not before, the start of his presidential campaign, and are uncorrelated with other types of hate crimes" behind, except not earlier than the begin of his presidential movement (Muller & Schwarz, 2018). Surveillance, deportation, imprisonment, and mass incarceration are all systems that prolong to intention and hurt Muslims among people who are thought to be Muslims. Academics, activists, – anti leaders, ministers, educators, and anyone else can adopt specific techniques to prevent the development of Islamophobia. Advocates can find more efficient, focused approaches to take apart oppressive practices by understanding the links between Islamophobia and other varied structure of coercion. Anti-Islamophobia efforts in the United States. Enlarged enclosure, which better reflects American Muslim communities, may and should be leveraged by the United States.




The Rationale of the Study

Despite the fact that many studies have been undertaken below the auspices of the media foreign strategy links, the results are so disparate that this phenomenon may be investigated in a new context. Additionally, previous research has linked American policy to the Islamic world. The purpose of this research is to examine Trump's narrative about Islam in a new light. In this example, editorials published in two well-known American newspapers (The New York Times and The Washington Post) are looked at in light of Trump's narrative about Islam prior to and after his election as president of the United States of America, the world's only unipolar superpower, in 2016. The United States' associations with the Muslim world change depending on the country's national interests. Subsequently, the study focuses on the presidential elections in 2016, in which he was elected president of the United States of America, and on his narrative about Islam and its effects on the American public and the Muslim world, with the goal of understanding how the United States and Muslim world's relations were affected as a result.

The general public in the United States is unaware that extremists can be of any ethnicity or faith. When non-Muslim Americans discuss the serious matter of terrorism, they frequently become enraged and hostile toward Muslim populations. This kind of hostility simply hinders the integration process for constituting a majority of Muslims who are good people who consider American principles. Trying to blame Muslims feeds into the negativity that terrorist groups (such as ISIS) teach, potentially strengthening them if Islamophobia prevails. It is incumbent to our country to form greater communal connections with Muslims in the United States also overseas so that they do not believe victimized. America is the place that must represent protection and refuge for everyone, regardless of their background.




The Rationale for Selecting the Elite Press

This research determined on two American newspapers, The Washington Post and The New York Times, before and after the 2016 presidential elections in the United States. The Washington Post and The New York Times are two American newspapers that meet the criteria for elite journalism. The elite press is crucial in shaping public opinion and addressing the needs of opinion leaders and reformers. It was discovered that practically every country in the globe has at least one, if not more, elite press newspaper. Though they are defined differently by different scholars, they all have one thing in common: they are taken seriously. These newspapers are digitalized, classified, and their content is reviewed because of their value, and scholars from other agreements deconstruct them for their research (Stevenson et al., 1984 cited in Gul, 1998).




The Washington Post 

"The Washington Post is the most prestigious publication in the United States. It was created in 1877 and is commonly referred to as "'The Post." This media organization's editorial policy centers on the following goals:

• The newspaper shall give the fact to its reader regarding the United States and the world as distant as it discovers from various sources.

• The newspaper shall not hold up the interests of any individual or organization; slightly, it will focus on community matters and public persons (The Washington Post, June 27, 2008).

The New York Times

This newspaper is printed in New York and then disseminated all around the world. The New York Times Company, which also publishes the other 15 newspapers throughout the world, owns it. "The International Herald Tribune and The Boston Globe" are two of the company's publications. Because of its appearance and manner, the newspaper has earned the moniker "Gray Lady." It is primarily reliant on its reputation as a national record keeper for various events. The newspaper, which was originated in 1851, has received 98 Pulitzer Prizes, the most of any newspaper. Its name is usually abbreviated as the Times. Its motto, "All the news that's fit to print is printed in the upper left-hand corner of the page."

The publisher of this newspaper, Arthur Ochs Sulzberger Jr., is an associate of the Sulzberger family, which has owned it since 1896. Because of the various strains on him, the publisher is under a lot of stress these days. "On September 18, 1851, journalist and politician Henry Jarvis Raymond and former banker George Jones founded the New York Times as the New-York Daily Times". Henry Jarvis Raymond, a well-known journalist, and politician, and George Jones, a former banker, founded The Paper on September 18, 1851. Its tile was The New York Daily Times, which became The New York Times in 1857. Its headlines are usually quite long.




Significance of the Period of Study

Trump's unwavering anti-Muslim sentiment is especially notable regarding prior Republican presidents' radically diverse approaches. "Islam provides hope and comfort to millions of people in my country," President George W. Bush said, adding that "we appreciate practices all faiths and embrace the free practice of religion." 10 His father, President George H.W. Bush, publicly criticized anti-Muslim prejudice not extended once indication legislation requiring the collecting and release of hate crime data and urged Americans to "work together to cleanse our communities of the poison of prejudice, intolerance, and discrimination." 11 Presidents Gerald Ford and Dwight D. Eisenhower both recognized the Islamic world's offerings and the bonds that exist between Islam and people of other religions, but Donald Trump, the newly elected president, ran on a platform of open hatred for all Muslims around the world, including Americans.

Literature Review

This chapter describe a general outline of literature on prejudice adjacent to Muslims in the United States, as well as a historical context for Islamophobia before 9/11. While there are both qualitative and quantitative studies in this section, the scope of these studies is limited because the study is largely empirical. This misses the mark when it comes to capturing the shade and spirit of a Muslim American's mental health experience. Since 9/11, there has been an increase in the amount of material generated on the topic of 'Islamophobia,' but the focus on mental health outcomes has been mostly disregarded and unexplored. This chapter demonstrates the necessity for more research into Islamophobia's psychological effects. The literature researcher appeared at was separated into four themes: (a) basic Islamic values, (b) earlier reasons and expressions of before Islamophobia time, (c) demonstration of recent Islamophobia post 9/11, and (d) discrimination's influence on mental wellbeing.

Islam is frequently misrepresented as a terrible and violent faith, resulting in widespread prejudice and animosity toward Muslims in the United States. Americans are currently inclining toward less favorable visions of Islam, which has resulted in a lot of animosity in American societies. As per the report, Council on American Islamic Relations, prosecutions against the Muslim community have risen in the industry, spiritual groups, and institutions. (Zaal, 2015).

Several of these anti-Islamic sentiments show people harming Muslims physically and psychologically, putting many Muslims in danger. Threats of destroying copies of the Holy Quran on the centenary of 9/11 reveal that prejudices about Arabs and Muslims persist in American society, demonstrating that negative opinions about Muslims are still prevalent (Cavendish, etc., 2011). A relatively large concentration of Arabs or Muslims, in the eyes of many non-Arabs, may elicit worries of extremism or widespread abuse (Cavendish et al., 2011).

Trump's current statement just reinforces that view and may impact the populace who are vulnerable to ISIS propaganda (Salhani, 2015). By erecting hurdles to Muslims in our town and about humankind, we are erecting societal obstacles that may lead these individuals to radicalism. However, it is crucial to lay forth the fundamental principles of Islam in order to put Muslims' stories and experiences into context. Islam is a religion based on the belief in a single God – Allah (El Azayem & Hedayat-Diba, 2009). 

El Islam (1982) definite in one survey, two-thirds of Muslims in Cairo found that conventional healing practices were ineffective and sought psychiatric help. It has been discovered that a lot of Muslims seeking cognitive wellbeing activities has been earlier tried habitual approaches. Although no equivalent research has been conducted in the United States, these views about psychological recovery and their beginning are significant. This shows how Muslims' help-seeking behaviors may influence or influence the inadequacy of investigation and concentrate on health outcomes among this community. 

In the Western community, anti-Islamic prejudice has always persisted, according to Allen (2010), due to historical backgrounds and cultural disparities. Many people have questioned if these historical foundations have had an impact on modern-day Islamophobia. As a substitute, it has grown commonplace in modern civilization as a result of the scary risk of radical Islamic acts, which continue to be a nationalized safety alarm in the US and further areas of the globe. On the other hand, contend that Islamophobia is a modern notion that exists irrespective of previous ideologies. Many experts investigating Islamophobia think that understanding the historical form of the issue is critical to understanding present Islamophobia (Maira, 2010).

As European conquerors arrived in America, they brought their prejudices and assumptions about Muslims with them. Many descendants of European immigrants grew raised with prejudices against Muslims, their customs, and cultural norms (Kalin, 2010). Puritans thought they had the policy to uphold as they moved to America: proclaiming the gospel of God. This intended they had an ethical requirement to exchange in the New World.

Terrorism had been just about for many months before the events on September 11, 2001. The Iran Hostage Crisis in 1979, in which Muslim activists held the US delegation with foremost violence wherein attackers sparked off bombs from a van in the basement, are two of the more well-known acts during that time period. Both events had a substantial impact on the direction of US foreign rules, but they perform not appreciably alter public perceptions of worldwide terrorism in the United States. Because both assaults rose outer of the United States, only some Americans were harmed psychologically or emotionally. However, on the 9/11 incident, the American people's perception of violence shifted (Sha'ban, 1991).

Terrorist attacks are considered tragedies because they frequently result in a huge number of casualties and horrifying spectators. The number of persons mentally exaggerated by terrorist acts has enlarged in the twenty-first century, thanks to significant media coverage that allows natives to observe the actions of a terrorist assault by photos, clips, and newspapers. It is critical to comprehend the immediate repercussions of a terrorist strike on civilians to better measure the effects of media and political discourse on citizens. There is enormous research on these impacts, especially in the psychology realm. Following 9/11, the Department of Health and Human Services conducted a study of American people in New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey to assess the mental consequences of such a large-scale terrorist attack. They discovered that 49.5 percent of people were preoccupied with anger, 37.5 percent with concern, and 23.9 percent with uneasiness—seventy-five percent of those polled (Al Krenawi, 2000).

Donald Trump, the Republican presidential candidate in 2016, was rapidly established known for his anti-political correctness campaign "Make America Great Again." His violent xenophobic rhetoric was included in this disdain. This rhetoric comprised anti-Muslim sentiments as well as strategies that linked Islam to terrorists. According to a survey conducted at California State University, San Bernardino, Trump's anti-Muslim prohibit official declaration in the aftermath of the San Bernardino massacre may have contributed to a spike in hatred offenses against Muslims in the week after his statement. In the meantime, according to New Study, the "negative image that Muslims are more likely to inspire violence than members of other faith groups" has increased throughout this election season. Even though the rise is probably due to the increased number of terrorist acts in the reports, the prose suggests that Trump's election is also having an impact on the rising numbers. Politicians have a unique impact on American residents since they are meant to represent the people's views. Supporting islamophobic activities in public by own created rules encourages the persistence of anti-Muslim views, particularly among republican Politicians. According to the literature, Trump's status as a public figure allows him to both consolidate and feed unfavorable public sentiment (Khan et al., 2017).

In just a limited perspective, ideas concerning Islamophobia maintain a "clash of civilizations" mindset, thinking, Muslim globe to be superior or by conflict among west. "Europe's earliest contacts with Muslims, like most, may be described as a clash that caused psychological wounds," writes (Smith 2010). "Decades of the encounter between Islam and Western Christianity, including the systemic expansion of Christian territory's boundaries, and also the long, drawn-out fights and conflicts of the Wars of religion, accomplished a lot of miscommunication, afraid, discrimination, and, in some instances, intolerance on both sides," she writes (Smith, 2010, p. 57).

While Islam advanced in the 11th century, Christian Europe launched a massive Crusades, in which the Church attempted to "reassert the Roman Catholic Church's dominion" (Allan, pg. 66, 2010). The Crusades popularized the idea so as to Islam is the "other" in terms of religion and politics. This viewpoint reaffirmed prior beliefs and assumptions regarding Muslims and Islam. Myths and prejudices about the Prophet Muhammad began to emerge, and several of them still persist during modern Islamophobia. This involves considering Muhammad as the "anti-Christ," confirming the "passionate, savage, and heartless" attributes that Muslims were always connected with them (Allen, pg. 28, 2010).

Consequently, these historical circumstances have all taken part in the current manifestations of Islamophobia in the United States. Muslims have been "oppressed" in Europe since the inception of Islam some fourteen centuries ago. As a result, these views and misconceptions about Muslims found their way into the early United States' political and religious foundations. Furthermore, European and American literature continued to impact and reinforce misconceptions about Muslims and Islam. This historical context is critical when analyzing recent forms of Islamophobia in the United States, which were significantly inspired by the terrorist acts of September 11, 2001.

Research Methodology

The present study investigated the editorial handling of Trump's narrative about Islam and the Muslim world in the US press before and after the presidential election. The goal of the study is to see how various topics related to Trump's narrative about Islam are addressed by the various newspapers chosen for the study. The current study uses content analysis. Traditional content analysis, according to Berelson (1952), is the first, least essential, and widely utilized research method for objective, structured, and quantitative description of the perceived content of the interaction. 

Content analysis is likely the most extensively utilized approach as a starting point for media content. This study is about the prevalence of terms in preferred wordings, and the investigator's goal is to classify and add up the terms in a systematic manner in order to show bias in the text's material. Although content analysis is commonly thought to be solely quantitative, it is also utilized for qualitative objectives. This method is popular among mass media scholars because it allows them to analyze media material in print media in both qualitative and quantitative ways, such as news, editorials, articles, and advertisements. The rationale of the method is to determine and check the frequency of certain qualities or dimensions in texts in order to derive information about the content, presentations of certain writings, and their importance.




Quantitative Part of Analysis

This section is about calculating the variables. It has been discovered that the amount of a variable that is supplied and then transmitted in numbers allows for the development of accuracy in study outcomes. The quantitative research design, as well as its various aspects and stages, are discussed in this section of the study. For this study, the anonymous editorials served as the unit of analysis and coding. Because an anonymous editorial frequently expresses a position on a topic, the meaning of an editorial was only partially understood.




Qualitative Part of Analysis

The scholar describes how to grasp the qualitative component of the investigation in this section. The qualitative section of the study is used to interpret the content direction and explain the quantitative results. The subsequent method of qualitative analysis has been used: Considering the time period under consideration, whether other elements and significant events in the national, local and worldwide context are impacting the editorial contents.




Sampling Procedure  

A unit of analysis was drawn from the universe using the purposive sampling approach. The aim of this research was to examine the nature of editorial handling of Trump's Islam narrative across the situations mentioned. As a result, analyzing each print of The Washington Post and The New York Times over the course of seven months was a huge undertaking.




Unit of Analysis

Unit of analysis is the term that was ultimately measured. Its solitary term or symbol, a topic, or an entire article or narrative could be used (Wimmer et al., 1991). The unit of analysis in this study was determined using the following inclusion criteria. Phrases, signs, concepts, sentences, paragraphs, or a complete editorial that showed the presence of the substances, presented in the American newspapers The Washington Post and The New York Times during the stipulated seven-month study period, served as the unit of analysis.




Time Period

The current study used all of the above-mentioned publications' editorials from September 2016 to March 2017 (a total of seven months).

Data Analysis and Interpretation

In this chapter, the data was evaluated by reflecting the entire frequency of coverage for all of the issues that were chosen. It's also offers a comparison of how all of the newspapers' editorials address the same matters. The quantitative study findings are reported in "Tables," pursued by "Interpretations."




 

Table 1.  Editorial Coverage by Newspapers regarding Trump’s narrative about Islam

Newspaper	Frequency	Percentage
New York Time (U.S) before the election	238	39.2
Washington Post (U.S) before the election	263	43.3
New York Time (U.S) after the election	63	10.4
Washington Post (U.S) after the election	43	7.1
Total	607	100.0

 




The table below displays newspaper editorial coverage of Trump's anti-Islam narrative. The information was gathered through newspapers. The News (Pakistani newspaper) published 43.3 percent of the editorials, Dawn (Pakistani newspaper) 39.2 percent, New York Times (US) 10.4 percent, and Washington Post (US) newspaper only 7.1 percent. The majority (43.3 percent) of the editorials about Trump's Islam narrative were published in The News (Pak), according to the findings.

Figure 1



Table 2. Newspaper wise Distribution of Editorials Regarding Trump’s Narrative about Islam

Country	Frequency	Percentage
The Washington Post (U.S)	501	82.5
The New York Time (U.S)	106	17.5
Total	607	100.0




 

Table 2 illustrates the distribution of editorials about Trump's anti-Islam discourse per newspaper. According to the data, The Washington Post (US) published 82.5 percent of the editorials about Trump's story about Islam, while only 17.5 percent were published in THE NEW YORK TIME newspapers. It reveals that The New York Times published the majority of the editorials (82.5%) about Trump's anti-Islam stance.




The New Times

The Washington Post

Figure 2: Editorials Newspaper Regarding Pak-Afghan Relation






Table 3.  Directional Editorial Coverage of Trump’s narrative about Islam

Direction	Frequency	Percentage
Favorable	220	36.2
Neutral	182	30.0
Unfavorable	205	33.8
Total	607	100.0

       




In Table 3, the circular editorial coverage of Trump's discourse on Islam is depicted. According to the data gathered through scholars, 36.2 percent of editorial direction was favorable to Trump's anti-Islam message. This indicates that they were in favor of the presented Pak-Afghan relations. In contrast, 33.8 percent of editorials at the time were critical of the present Pak-Afghan dealings. In response to Trump's anti-Islam discourse, 30.0 percent of editorials remained neutral. It was found that favorable editorial coverage of Trump's anti-Islam discourse outnumbered hostile coverage.

Figure 3

Directional Editorial Coverage of Trump’s Narrative about Islam



Conclusion

In conclusion, while United States press and Trump statements do promote and maintain a climate for already existing Islamophobia among the American population, the degree of manipulation differs depending on communities in politics. The subliminal message was far more prevalent than apparent bias in cable news reporting. The New York Times and The Washington Post are mutually incidents, paying attention to three key sorts: the attacker and its biography, the victims, and the event's security procedures. The New York Times' reportage in the San Bernardino case focused heavily on the assailants and their activities, which indicated the formation of terrorists. Prior to any official inquiry evidence, The Washington Post hypothesized a lot about the attack's motive, presuming ISIS was behind it. The New York Times created a horror story out of the Orlando shooting; complete with gory depictions of an unnamed, ruthless assassin powerless victims. The offender was given numerous labels by the Washington Post, depending on the perspective of the headlines. The networks' selections sent secret messages to their viewers, causing them to stereotype Muslims as terrorists.

The media, on the other hand, focused their coverage on investigative facts. In both situations, Trump's attitude was open and clearly racist. Trump's Ban on Muslims is a prevalent issue in national surveys measuring Islamist opinions, and his pro-government views and certain policies were used in a number of racist incidents.

Following researcher investigation and analysis, offer two ideas in response to this topic, based on what the researcher discovered and the unfolding of existing proceedings.

• From a historical and cultural basis, the press or realms of power should collaborate to educate the common municipal on violence and defenders. They can't just concentrate on the security threat. Consequently, not having the knowledge on accurate central workings on radicalism, which could show the way to terror campaign, Islamophobia is on the rise.

• In the context of current incidents, the media and political locales have to effort hard to eradicate stereotypes on Islam. In other direction, may achieve to ensure that the Muslim community's voices are heard by providing adequate representation and a venue. A lack of awareness of Muslim culture is at the root of many islamophobic feelings. Many Americans, according to polls, are never familiar with several Muslim communities, and even fewer interact with them on a regular basis. Prejudices and preconceptions thrive in the absence of knowledge.

As two major sources in the public sphere, the media and politicians must work together to educate their audiences. They are unable to properly educate viewers who do not include a basic perceptive for all people are concerned in the narrative. The US has been treated with anti - Islamic hype earlier in the aftermath of 9/11 before, and they can do as well another time. The appearance of Trump's public speaking, mixed among media's continuous portrayal to terrible Terrorists from the Muslim world have switched their attention to attacking Western ideas, involve revealed the ordinary American's lack of knowledge. It will take a lot of effort to erase prejudice against Muslims. It all starts with the individuals who pay attention to the media and the political sphere in the United States.

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